Let the Rains Down
Motorculture
There is a game commonly played amongst foreigners living in Hanoi--let's call it The Things They Carried. Merely a quotidian occurrence for motorcyclists, we visitors stare in awe as entire families pack in to one Honda Wave and zoom away. Past winners include two children standing in front of a seat with two more wedged between a couple sitting on the seat; three men with four bags of squawking roosters; and four adults with one air conditioner.
Not only are motorcyclists able to observe what others are carrying, they can also view the jean brands of every passenger or the type of candy a child clutches. In American traffic, cars trap passengers into a secluded compartment of glass windows and metal doors and no one moves. In Vietnamese traffic, motorcycles squeeze as close together as possible as everyone streams down the French boulevards at a similarly slow pace.
The sense of camaraderie fits the socialist political system. Xe ôms, which literally translates to hug the driver, pepper street corners as an alternative to bulky taxis. Men catch naps after work as they wait for customers to haggle with them. With feet resting on the handlebars, they nestle their torsos into the seat cushion. The side mirrors become an extension of the bathroom. The drivers pick at their teeth with toothpicks, shave, and clip their nose hairs. Private life seeps into the city of Hanoi.
Every motorcycle serves as an extension of the owner's house. It travels down the twisted marketplace alleys, it provides a space to lounge on and read the newspaper while escaping the midday sun, and it provides assistance to vendors who pack up clothes or pottery and move to another street to continue selling.
The motorcycle craze involves a high degree of trust. The vehicles are small enough to wheel away inconspicuously. The engine is close enough to cause serious injury if another driver overshoots a swerve, gets distracted by a Western pedestrian, or meanders home after a night of rice vodka shots. Passengers pack into a seat tight enough and drivers pack a street dense enough for strangers’ legs to brush against each other. A hundred breaths mingle with exhaust fumes.
Why Vietnamese?
Most courses in college need no explanation--microeconomics, psychology, Latin literature, 18th century art, chemistry. But Vietnamese always brings with it a story, a burning reason as to why any student would think to suffer through it. Even other East Asian languages do not receive the same wide-eyed "Why?" from students.
My reasons for learning Vietnamese morph as I grow academically. I studied in Hanoi the semester after I graduated high school because I yearned for the unfamiliar: to speak an Asiatic language with tones, to learn the environmental concerns of a tropical region and the economic issues of a third world country, to live with a family and listen to their stories, to participate in lively celebrations and rituals, to experience a communist society, and to sympathize with a history of an underdog trying to prove itself and a lingering series of identity crises.
After my semester abroad, my reasons changed to a desire to speak more with the people I met. By the time I left Hanoi, I could keep a conversation going in a taxi for twenty minutes and throw in a few sentences at the dinner table, but I felt like I had not made many connections. My host family was well versed in body language, but how much can be said with an awkward laugh or emphatic gesture?
My study of language has led to an understanding of culture through the structure of its language. The Vietnamese language is fascinating and unique; its vocabulary and syntax are so logical. The word for "furniture" is the combination of the words for "table" and "chair" and the word for "refrigerator" is the combination of the words for "machine" and "cold". The lack of cognates frustrates me, but the linguistic simplicity makes me smile. My midterm is this week and one of the words I am responsible for is "to be worry free," which translates literally into "eat until full, sleep soundly." As I study, I will remember to take the true meaning to heart as well as the definition.
Hakuna Gol!
Drive the Game
bella horrida bella (wars, frightful wars, Aeneid XI.86)

Ants have been regarded as model organisms due to their small size, short generation time, and the lack of guilt researchers feel in manipulating them. What I did to those four species of acacia ants that I studied in depth with Columbia’s EEEB department (ecology, evolution, and environmental biology) in the Laikipia District of central Kenya would be a moral and legal fiasco with most other organisms.
Unlike honey bee attacks, all ant species that occupy the popular Acacia Drepanobulum trees can bite and bite and spray all the chemicals they store in their small abdomens with reckless abandon. These pungent liquids, pheromones, symbolize heterospecific and conspecific aggressive behaviors, meaning that ants engage in civil war as well as international war when threatened.
I posed an obvious threat to these ants. Roaming through a forest of various acacias, I searched for specific color combinations: red-red-black (Crematogaster mimosae) and black-black-red (Crematogaster nigriceps). From half a petri dish, I created a battle arena and disproportionately placed the same species from different trees as well as different species, timing how long it took them to kill each other.
Before the battle, I had to verify that the enemy was indeed the enemy by sending a sample victim into the “home” colony. A tangle of writhing black substituted for passport identification. But beyond smelling enemy pheromones, do varying defense behaviors exist?
I knew the answer was yes even before I began my vicious permutations. I tapped an acacia branch until the ants left the comfort of their enclosed habitat, bulbous brown swollen thorns, to investigate my attack. Positioning the two sides of a petri dish like hinged jaws, I then proceeded to engulf ten samples. If I counted less than ten, I snapped again.
“Pain is temporary,” I reminded myself as ants escaped my gutless plastic monster, rioting on my forearms. I murdered more than I imprisoned. Maimed ants were flicked away for fear of faulty results. Both species bit with equal ferocity and impressive alacrity. They shimmied up to my neck and squeezed down to my toes.
Though I did not have access to a wet lab, I detected the release of defense pheromones. I could not see them in the battle arena but I could smell them on my own skin—an acrid and moldy stench, like mixing wet leaves with used running socks.
Given their retaliation towards me, I expected similar brutality when faced with an intruder ant, which I shoved into a petri dish of its enemies. But for every kind of enemy—C. mimosae of one colony versus C. mimosae of a second colony, C. mimosae versus C. nigriceps, C. nigriceps versus C. mimosae, C. nigriceps of one colony versus C. nigriceps of a second colony—the ants employed a different war tactic. In what can be dubbed an act of brotherly love, the acacia ants exhibited a faster and more frequent heterospecific response than conspecific response. Ants of different species became nothing more than eraser rubbings rolling around the petri dish. Ants of the same species but different colonies were sometimes killed, sometimes pardoned.
In the aftermath of ant war, there was no blood and no guts. A few shriveled black specks like squashed soda cans did nothing to elicit any emotional response. My emotional response came when, after believing my hypothesis to be correct, I ran statistical chi-squared and wilcoxon tests of my data and found that there was too much variance to have conclusive findings. I could spend another day in the field collecting more samples, I could revise my experimental design by grinding up the different species into a PETA-disaster-paste and covering the ants in enemy pheromones, or I could admit my lack of dedication and stare at the less belligerent drongo birds.
That night, kicking off my brown coated clothing, a few ants skittered off into the corners of my tent. Briefly checking for ticks and sunburn and remembering with surprise to swallow a malaria pill, I immediately fell asleep. The dreams of a researcher sting with the bites of Crematogaster acacia ants.
Best Behavior
In 1920’s Paris, with trails of white smoke curving from dangling cigarettes, artists and writers discussed their work, speculations, and mental blocks. At the Mpala Research Centre in central Kenya, with trails of red dirt curving from the laboratories, biologists and chemists discussed their work, speculations, and experimental design.
A tourist, dressed in khaki adventure shorts and a wide-brimmed sun hat, would likely gasp dramatically at zebras munching on long, green grass and then drive on to more discoveries. As a tropical biologist-in-training, I dressed in quick-dry pants and a long sleeved rashguard, urgently pressing a stopwatch before staring at a Plains zebra (equus burchelli) through binoculars for five-minute trials.
Dominant behavior is most evident among harems with an alpha male and docile, hungry females. Along with eating, watching for predators is necessary for survival. The amount of time females devote to nutrition depends on the size of the group. A bigger herd size should indicate more vigilant animals, increasing the overall time spent feeding. After five minutes of constant staring, images of a glistening hide in brilliant black and white, wet nostrils, swiveling ears, and a tail flicking at flies no longer register awe. Written in the waterproof pages of a researcher’s notebook is Trial 7, with tallies marked in their allotted columns.
Plains zebras, prevalent when I had searched for honey badgers or aardvarks, seemed to have vanished into the thick acacia brush when I really needed them. Impala, Thomson’s gazelles, dik diks, hartebeests, Grant’s gazelles, orynxs, and other ungulates proudly stomped the red dust into billows but the—Oh, are those them? No, Grevy’s zebras. Keep driving.—locations of my research subject could not be found. All the animals in Mpala have their unique hangout spots, but they are not as certain as a zoo enclosement. The Plains zebras have no sign with arrows and exclamations, no address. So many questions to ask the landscape: the mountain ridges fading into increasingly paler shades of blue, the corpulent swollen acacia thorns, the lickerish baboons and dainty klipspringers. But I have chosen to ask the Plains zebras.
The red dirt clung to my sunblock and eyelashes as I gazed out into the lush fields. I envisioned stripes between tree branches or a whishing tail in a low flying drongo bird. I even tried to castrate bachelor male herds with my desperately determined mind so I could include them in my study: the relationship between herd size and the time females spent foraging or vigilant using focal and scan sampling.
Grazing female zebras chew with their heads down, focusing on the blades tickling their black snouts. Vigilant females stare up at me, the menacing intruder clutching a sharp pencil. “Down!” I whispered at the grazing ones. “Up!” at the vigilant ones. As they oscillated between nonchalance and terror at my behavior, I calculated time and begged them not to flee.
After a day of 140 trials, I returned to calculate what turned out to be inconclusive results and eat dinner—green lentils, white rice, and chapattis, a thick fried dough. As I tilted my head down to my plate so the rice wouldn’t fall off my fork and lifted up my head to chew and listen to fragmented conversation, I reasoned through possible error sources: habituation time too short, large variation amongst the trials, observer’s delirium. At that moment, a group of zebra may have been peering at me, balancing binoculars on their muddy hooves. In the cacophony of insect night life, I could almost hear them snorting “up” and “down”.
